From: Washington Post
COOMENT - After you finish reading this article from the Washington Post, you will understand no one is in control of the cancerous infrastructure which includes government, agencies, and multinational corporations of every imaginable kind.
This is one reason no one noticed how highly psychopathic the management of Green Hills Software is and took no action regarding the illegal use of drones, although the implications go far beyond the Santa Barbara based company.
COOMENT - After you finish reading this article from the Washington Post, you will understand no one is in control of the cancerous infrastructure which includes government, agencies, and multinational corporations of every imaginable kind.
This is one reason no one noticed how highly psychopathic the management of Green Hills Software is and took no action regarding the illegal use of drones, although the implications go far beyond the Santa Barbara based company.
Monday, July 19, 2010; 4:50 PM
The
top-secret world the government created in response to the terrorist
attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, has become so large, so unwieldy and so
secretive that no one knows how much money it costs, how many people it
employs, how many programs exist within it or exactly how many agencies
do the same work.
These
are some of the findings of a two-year investigation by The Washington
Post that discovered what amounts to an alternative geography of the
United States, a Top Secret America hidden from public view and lacking
in thorough oversight. After nine years of unprecedented spending and
growth, the result is that the system put in place to keep the United
States safe is so massive that its effectiveness is impossible to
determine.
The investigation's other findings include:
*
Some 1,271 government organizations and 1,931 private companies work on
programs related to counterterrorism, homeland security and intelligence
in about 10,000 locations across the United States.
* An estimated 854,000 people, nearly 1.5 times as many people as live in Washington, D.C., hold top-secret security clearances.
*
In Washington and the surrounding area, 33 building complexes for
top-secret intelligence work are under construction or have been built
since September 2001. Together they occupy the equivalent of almost
three Pentagons or 22 U.S. Capitol buildings - about 17 million square
feet of space.
* Many security and intelligence agencies do the
same work, creating redundancy and waste. For example, 51 federal
organizations and military commands, operating in 15 U.S. cities, track
the flow of money to and from terrorist networks.
* Analysts who
make sense of documents and conversations obtained by foreign and
domestic spying share their judgment by publishing 50,000 intelligence
reports each year - a volume so large that many are routinely ignored.
These
are not academic issues; lack of focus, not lack of resources, was at
the heart of the Fort Hood shooting that left 13 dead, as well as the
Christmas Day bomb attempt thwarted not by the thousands of analysts
employed to find lone terrorists but by an alert airline passenger who
saw smoke coming from his seatmate.
They are also issues that greatly concern some of the people in charge of the nation's security.
"There has been so much growth since 9/11 that getting your arms around that - not just for the CIA,
for the secretary of defense - is a challenge," Defense Secretary
Robert M. Gates said in an interview with The Post last week.
In the Department of Defense,
where more than two-thirds of the intelligence programs reside, only a
handful of senior officials - called Super Users - have the ability to
even know about all the department's activities. But as two of the Super
Users indicated in interviews, there is simply no way they can keep up
with the nation's most sensitive work.
"I'm not going to live long
enough to be briefed on everything" was how one Super User put it. The
other recounted that for his initial briefing, he was escorted into a
tiny, dark room, seated at a small table and told he couldn't take
notes. Program after program began flashing on a screen, he said, until
he yelled ''Stop!" in frustration.
"I wasn't remembering any of it," he said.
Underscoring
the seriousness of these issues are the conclusions of retired Army Lt.
Gen. John R. Vines, who was asked last year to review the method for
tracking the Defense Department's most sensitive programs. Vines, who
once commanded 145,000 troops in Iraq and is familiar with complex
problems, was stunned by what he discovered.
"I'm not aware of any
agency with the authority, responsibility or a process in place to
coordinate all these interagency and commercial activities," he said in
an interview. "The complexity of this system defies description."
The
result, he added, is that it's impossible to tell whether the country
is safer because of all this spending and all these activities. "Because
it lacks a synchronizing process, it inevitably results in message
dissonance, reduced effectiveness and waste," Vines said. "We
consequently can't effectively assess whether it is making us more
safe."
The Post's investigation is based on government documents
and contracts, job descriptions, property records, corporate and social
networking Web sites, additional records, and hundreds of interviews
with intelligence, military and corporate officials and former
officials. Most requested anonymity either because they are prohibited
from speaking publicly or because, they said, they feared retaliation at
work for describing their concerns.
The Post's online database of
government organizations and private companies was built entirely on
public records. The investigation focused on top-secret work because the
amount classified at the secret level is too large to accurately track.
Today's
article describes the government's role in this expanding enterprise.
Tuesday's article describes the government's dependence on private
contractors. Wednesday's is a portrait of one Top Secret America
community. On the Web, an extensive, searchable database built by The
Post about Top Secret America is available at
washingtonpost.com/ topsecretamerica.
Defense Secretary Gates, in
his interview with The Post, said that he does not believe the system
has become too big to manage but that getting precise data is sometimes
difficult. Singling out the growth of intelligence units in the Defense
Department, he said he intends to review those programs for waste. "Nine
years after 9/11, it makes a lot of sense to sort of take a look at
this and say, 'Okay, we've built tremendous capability, but do we have
more than we need?' " he said.
CIA Director Leon Panetta, who was
also interviewed by The Post last week, said he's begun mapping out a
five-year plan for his agency because the levels of spending since 9/11
are not sustainable. "Particularly with these deficits, we're going to
hit the wall. I want to be prepared for that," he said. "Frankly, I
think everyone in intelligence ought to be doing that."
In an
interview before he resigned as the director of national intelligence in
May, retired Adm. Dennis C. Blair said he did not believe there was
overlap and redundancy in the intelligence world. "Much of what appears
to be redundancy is, in fact, providing tailored intelligence for many
different customers," he said.
Blair also expressed confidence
that subordinates told him what he needed to know. "I have visibility on
all the important intelligence programs across the community, and there
are processes in place to ensure the different intelligence
capabilities are working together where they need to," he said.
Weeks
later, as he sat in the corner of a ballroom at the Willard Hotel
waiting to give a speech, he mused about The Post's findings. "After
9/11, when we decided to attack violent extremism, we did as we so often
do in this country," he said. "The attitude was, if it's worth doing,
it's probably worth overdoing."
Outside a gated subdivision
of mansions in McLean, a line of cars idles every weekday morning as a
new day in Top Secret America gets underway. The drivers wait patiently
to turn left, then crawl up a hill and around a bend to a destination
that is not on any public map and not announced by any street sign.
Liberty
Crossing tries hard to hide from view. But in the winter, leafless
trees can't conceal a mountain of cement and windows the size of five
Wal-Mart stores stacked on top of one another rising behind a grassy
berm. One step too close without the right badge, and men in black jump
out of nowhere, guns at the ready.
Past the armed guards and the
hydraulic steel barriers, at least 1,700 federal employees and 1,200
private contractors work at Liberty Crossing, the nickname for the two
headquarters of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and
its National Counterterrorism Center. The two share a police force, a
canine unit and thousands of parking spaces.
Liberty Crossing is
at the center of the collection of U.S. government agencies and
corporate contractors that mushroomed after the 2001 attacks. But it is
not nearly the biggest, the most costly or even the most secretive part
of the 9/11 enterprise.
In an Arlington County office building, the lobby directory doesn't include the Air Force's
mysteriously named XOIWS unit, but there's a big "Welcome!" sign in the
hallway greeting visitors who know to step off the elevator on the
third floor. In Elkridge, Md., a clandestine program hides in a tall
concrete structure fitted with false windows to look like a normal
office building. In Arnold, Mo., the location is across the street from
a Target and a Home Depot. In St. Petersburg, Fla., it's in a modest
brick bungalow in a run-down business park.
Each
day at the National Counterterrorism Center in McLean, workers review
at least 5,000 pieces of terrorist-related data from intelligence
agencies and keep an eye on world events. (Photo by: Melina Mara / The
Washington Post)
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